Sam Rayburn

Sam Rayburn


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Sam Rayburn, filho de um cavaleiro do Exército Confederado, nasceu no Condado de Roane, Tennessee, em 6 de janeiro de 1882. Cinco anos depois, a família mudou-se para uma fazenda de algodão de 40 acres no Condado de Fannin, Texas. Depois de se formar no East Texas College, ele se tornou professor. Mais tarde, ele se tornou advogado.

Rayburn era membro do Partido Democrata e em 1906 ganhou uma cadeira na Câmara dos Representantes do Texas. Como ele disse mais tarde: "Eu vi que todos os meus amigos tiveram as boas nomeações e que aqueles que votaram contra mim para Presidente da Câmara não obtiveram nenhuma."

Em 1912 foi eleito para o Congresso, onde representou o Quarto Distrito do Texas. Em seu primeiro mandato, ele foi nomeado para o Comitê da Câmara sobre Comércio Interestadual e Estrangeiro. Ele permaneceu como membro pelos próximos 25 anos.

Em 1927, Rayburn casou-se com Metze Jones, irmã de seu bom amigo, John Marvin Jones. O casamento durou menos de três meses. Rayburn nunca se casou novamente.

Rayburn trabalhou em estreita colaboração com John Nance Garner. Ele foi o gerente de campanha de Garner em sua tentativa de se tornar o candidato presidencial democrata. Após a derrota de Garner para Franklin D. Roosevelt, Rayburn participou das negociações que permitiram que Garner se tornasse vice-presidente.

Como presidente do Comitê de Comércio Exterior e Interestadual, ele desempenhou um papel importante no estabelecimento da Comissão de Valores Mobiliários e Câmbio e da Comissão Federal de Comunicações. Ele também juntou forças com George Norris para aprovar a Lei de Eletrificação Rural.

Em 1937, Rayburn tornou-se o líder da maioria e o ajudou a ocupar o cargo por três anos, mas em 1940 foi eleito presidente da Câmara. Durante os dois períodos de maiorias republicanas (1947-49 e 1953-55), ele atuou como líder da minoria. Ele trabalhou em estreita colaboração com Lyndon Johnson e apoiou suas tentativas em 1956 e 1960 de se tornar o candidato presidencial.

Sam Rayburn morreu em 16 de novembro de 1961. Durante sua carreira, ele desenvolveu uma reputação de honestidade. Quando ele morreu, suas economias totalizaram US $ 15.000.

Rayburn, que odiava as ferrovias, cujas taxas de frete roubaram o fazendeiro, e os bancos, cujas taxas de juros roubaram o fazendeiro, e as empresas de serviços públicos, que se recusaram a estender suas linhas de transmissão para o campo e, portanto, condenaram o fazendeiro às trevas. Rayburn que odiava os "trustes" e os "interesses" - Rayburn que odiava os ricos e todos os seus artifícios. Rayburn, que odiava o Partido Republicano, que considerava um desses artifícios, odiava-o por políticas monetárias que, disse ele, "tornam os ricos mais ricos e os pobres mais pobres"; odiava pela tarifa ("a tarifa do ladrão, o sistema mais indefensável que o mundo já conheceu", ele o chamou; porque o Partido Republicano "enganou ... o fazendeiro para" apoiar a tarifa, disse ele, os ricos " engordar suas bolsas já inchadas com mais ganhos mal obtidos arrancados das mãos cheias de tesão das massas trabalhadoras "); e odiava também na Reconstrução: o filho de um cavaleiro confederado que "nunca parou de odiar os ianques", Rayburn, um amigo uma vez disse, "não esquecerá em sua longa vida Appomattox"; por anos depois que ele veio para o Congresso, as paredes de seu escritório exibiam muitas fotos, mas todas eram de um homem - Robert E. Lee; em 1928, quando seu distrito estava se voltando para o republicano Hoover em vez de Al Smith, e ele foi aconselhado a aceitar ou arriscar perder sua própria cadeira no congresso, ele rosnou: "Contanto que eu honre a memória dos mortos confederados e reverencie a galante devoção de meu pai confederado às terras do sul, eu nunca votarei em eleitores de um partido que enviou o aventureiro e o malandro ao sul prostrado com sabre e espada. " Rayburn, que odiava as ferrovias, os bancos e os republicanos porque nunca se esqueceu de quem era ou de onde veio.

Rayburn chegou ao Congresso em 1913, com o influxo de Wilson, pela mais estreita das margens. A oportunidade surgiu quando Choice Randell, representante do Quarto Distrito Congressional, desistiu para fazer uma corrida malsucedida ao Senado. Rayburn teve sete oponentes na disputa da Casa, e caiu para a última corda em dúvida. Dos 21.236 votos, ele emergiu com menos de 25 por cento do total. No entanto, seu voto de 4.983 deu-lhe a eleição, pois o voto mais alto de qualquer outro candidato foi 4.493.

Quando Rayburn veio pela primeira vez a Washington, John Nance Garner o deixou dividir seu escritório até que um estivesse disponível para ele. E como o garoto careca, mas de cabelo louro, de Garner, Rayburn recebeu um cobiçado cargo no Comitê de Comércio Exterior e Interestadual da Câmara dos Deputados. Aqui, os veteranos lembraram que ele passou manteiga no presidente do comitê William C. Adamson, que também se tornou seu patrocinador.

Mas logo Garner percebeu que Rayburn pretendia competir com ele pela liderança da Casa. Em 1924, o relacionamento deles ficou tenso, disse Tom Connally, quando Garner tentou fazer com que os democratas da Câmara o elegessem como líder da minoria. Por acaso, ele descobriu que o protegido Rayburn estava discretamente promovendo Finis Garrett do Tennessee, o estado onde Rayburn nasceu, para o mesmo cargo. Quando Garrett venceu, Garner perdeu o entusiasmo pelo duplo traficante, embora o tenha deixado ficar em seu clube privado de bebidas.

Durante o período inicial de Rayburn na House, ele era conhecido por suas piadas grosseiras. Mas ele se submeteu de propósito, adotou uma expressão severa e se vestiu como um agente funerário. Apesar de sua pobreza precoce, enquanto estava no Congresso, ele conseguiu adquirir uma confortável casa colonial branca de dois andares em uma grande fazenda perto de Bonham. Isso foi essencial para fins de prestígio para impressionar os políticos visitantes, que notaram as raízes permanentes no solo do Texas com aprovação. Lyndon Johnson percebeu o significado dessa fachada nas primeiras visitas a Bonham. Ele ouviu com interesse quando Rayburn disse à empresa que estava "ocupado como um comerciante de cranberry" na fazenda e deu tantos pedidos ao "Velho Henry", seu pastor de cor, que deu a impressão de ser primeiro um fazendeiro e depois um membro da Congresso.

O relacionamento Lyndon Johnson-Sam Rayburn desenvolveu-se rapidamente em um parentesco filho-pai. "Sam se casou com Metze Jones, irmã de Marvin Jones, um membro da Câmara de Amarillo, em 1927", disse Tom Connally. "Na verdade, Sam e Marvin se casaram ao mesmo tempo em uma cerimônia dupla. Mas em sua lua de mel conjunta, os noivos bebiam tanto que as noivas fugiram no meio da noite e depois se divorciaram." Depois disso, Rayburn chamou a si mesmo de solteiro e se tornou um tio amoroso de seu rebanho de sobrinhos e sobrinhas.

Ninguém na Câmara era mais importante para Lyndon Johnson, entretanto, do que Sam Rayburn, seu compatriota texano de Bonham, no nordeste do estado. Aos cinquenta e cinco anos, depois de vinte e quatro na Câmara, Rayburn se tornara Líder da Maioria em janeiro de 1937. Um homem baixo e atarracado com uma cabeça calva, ombros largos e um pescoço forte e grosso, Rayburn vestia em ternos escuros que lhe davam a aparência "sombria e imaculada" de "um agente funerário competente". Uma normalmente "expressão de pôquer" ou "comportamento severo" adicionado à sua aparência grave. Solteirão com poucos interesses fora da Câmara dos Representantes, que certa vez descreveu como "minha vida e meu amor", Rayburn era um homem solitário. Aos domingos, ele acordava infeliz com a perspectiva de um dia sem a agitação do Capitólio. "Deus ajude os solitários, pois a solidão consome as pessoas", disse certa vez ao enfrentar um dia tranquilo.


RAYBURN, Samuel Taliaferro

RAYBURN, Samuel Taliaferro, um Representante do Texas nascido perto de Kingston, Roane County, Tenn., 6 de janeiro de 1882 mudou-se para Fannin County, Tex., Em 1887 com seus pais que se estabeleceram perto de Windom frequentou escolas rurais e se formou no Leste Texas Normal College, Commerce, Tex., Em 1903 estudou Direito na Universidade do Texas em Austin, foi admitido na ordem dos advogados em 1908 e começou a exercer a profissão em Bonham, Fannin County, Texas. Membro da Câmara dos Deputados 1907-1913, e serviu como orador durante os últimos dois anos eleito como um democrata para o sexagésimo terceiro e para os vinte e quatro congressos seguintes e serviu de 4 de março de 1913 até sua morte como presidente do Comitê de Comércio Exterior e Interestadual (Setenta e dois, Setenta - terceiro e septuagésimo quarto congressos) líder da maioria (septuagésimo quinto e septuagésimo sexto congressos), líder da minoria (octogésimo e oitenta e três congressos) eleito presidente da Câmara dos Representantes em 16 de setembro de 1940, para preencher a vaga causada pela morte do Orador William B. Bankhead reeleito Orador nos septuagésimo sétimo, septuagésimo oitavo, septuagésimo nono, octogésimo primeiro, octogésimo segundo, octogésimo quarto, octogésimo quinto, octogésimo sexto e octogésimo sétimo congressos morreu em Bonham, Texas, em 16 de novembro de 1961, foi sepultado no cemitério Willow Wild.


Reservatório Sam Rayburn

O reservatório Sam Rayburn, anteriormente conhecido como reservatório McGee Bend, está represado a oitenta milhas ao norte de Beaumont (em 31 e deg04 'N, 94 e deg06' W). É alimentado pelo rio Angelina e fica nos condados de Jasper, Angelina, Sabine, Nacogdoches e San Augustine. O reservatório é flanqueado nas margens norte e sul pela Floresta Nacional Angelina. O Corpo de Engenheiros do Exército dos Estados Unidos começou a construção no local de McGee Bend em 7 de setembro de 1956, e o represamento deliberado de água começou em 29 de março de 1965. Paul Hardeman, Incorporated, de Stanton, Califórnia, serviu como empreiteiro geral para o projeto , que custou quase $ 66.000.000. O projeto foi renomeado em homenagem a Samuel T. (Sam) Rayburn em 1963. A cerimônia de inauguração em 8 de maio de 1965 incluiu um discurso principal do presidente Lyndon Baines Johnson feito por telefone da Casa Branca. O reservatório é projetado para controle de enchentes e geração de energia, de propriedade do governo dos Estados Unidos e operado pelo Corpo de Engenheiros do Exército dos Estados Unidos, distrito de Fort Worth. A barragem de aterro tem uma elevação na crista do vertedouro de 176 pés e uma capacidade de controle de inundação superior de 3.997.600 pés acre. A Sam Rayburn Dam Electric Cooperative operou dois geradores hidrelétricos comissionados em setembro de 1965, que produzem uma capacidade total de 52.000 quilowatts-hora comercializados pela Southwestern Power Administration. A geração de energia começou em 1º de julho de 1966. A Sam Rayburn Municipal Power Agency foi formada em 1979 como uma agência de energia municipal de propriedade conjunta das cidades de Liberty, Livingston e Jasper. A agência foi criada para obter energia elétrica para as cidades membros, bem como a Vinton Public Power Authority, que fornecia energia para refinarias e fábricas de produtos químicos em Vinton, Louisiana. Com uma área de drenagem de 3.449 milhas quadradas, o reservatório Rayburn conserva água para fins municipais, industriais, agrícolas e recreativos. É uma pescaria de robalo largemouth premier que hospeda mais de trezentos torneios anualmente.

Texas Water Development Board, Dados de engenharia em barragens e reservatórios no Texas, parte 1 (Austin: Water Development Board, 1974). U.S. Geological Survey, Dados de Recursos Hídricos Texas: Ano da Água 1983, Volume 1 (Austin: U.S. Geological Survey, 1984).

O seguinte, adaptado do Chicago Manual of Style, 15ª edição, é a citação preferida para esta entrada.

Robert Wooster, & ldquoSam Rayburn Reservoir & rdquo Manual do Texas Online, acessado em 29 de junho de 2021, https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/sam-rayburn-reservoir.

Publicado pela Texas State Historical Association.

Todos os materiais protegidos por direitos autorais incluídos no Manual do Texas Online estão de acordo com o Título 17 U.S.C. Seção 107 relacionada a direitos autorais e & ldquoFair Use & rdquo para instituições educacionais sem fins lucrativos, que permite que a Texas State Historical Association (TSHA) utilize materiais protegidos por direitos autorais para promover bolsa de estudos, educação e informar o público. A TSHA faz todos os esforços para estar em conformidade com os princípios de uso justo e com a lei de direitos autorais.

Se você deseja usar material protegido por direitos autorais deste site para fins próprios que vão além do uso justo, você deve obter permissão do proprietário dos direitos autorais.


Grigsby pronto para revisitar a história do campeonato em Sam Rayburn

O veterano da MLF, Shaw Grigsby, tem uma história ilustre no reservatório Sam Rayburn, local do Bass Pro Tour Stage One. Foto de Phoenix Moore

Dizer que o profissional da MLF Shaw Grigsby está ansioso para começar a temporada 2021 do Bass Pro Tour no reservatório Sam Rayburn, no leste do Texas, é um eufemismo. Entrando em sua 43ª temporada como profissional em tempo integral, Grigsby volta às suas primeiras memórias de Sam Rayburn - o início dos anos 1980 - e o papel que este paraíso do big bass desempenhou no lançamento da carreira profissional do Mercury & # 8217s.

“Cara, Rayburn era um lago tremendo naquela época”, diz Grigsby. “O primeiro torneio que pesquei lá, acredito que terminei perto do final da tabela de classificação, mas acabei tendo minhas três primeiras vitórias profissionais lá.”

Grigsby de fato terminou em 198º no Texas Invitational em Rayburn de 1985, mas venceu os três eventos seguintes que pescou lá (1988, 1990 e 1992 Texas Invitationals). E aí começou um caso de amor entre o garoto do Sunshine State e a melhor pescaria de robalo que o Lone Star State tinha a oferecer.

“Eu realmente amo Rayburn,” Grigsby admite com uma risada. “O que não amar? Ele contém grandes graves, e muitos deles. É carregado com hydrilla e outra vegetação, e realmente se encaixa no meu estilo de pesca da Flórida. É um daqueles lagos de livros didáticos, algo sobre o qual você leu em uma revista. Você pode descobrir os peixes e pode padronizá-los.

Vantagem da pesca à vista de Shaw

Antes de se tornar um nome familiar por meio de sua temporada de 21 anos com seu popular programa de TV One More Cast with Shaw Grigsby, Grigsby foi um dos pioneiros na pesca à vista de robalo. Ele estava tão à frente de sua concorrência que valeu a pena com troféus e cheques de vencedor.

“No início da minha carreira, especificamente em Rayburn, as vitórias e o sucesso eram tudo sobre a pesca à vista”, admite Grigsby. “Não havia muitas pessoas que pescavam na época, então foi uma grande vantagem para mim. Pescaríamos Rayburn em março, o bass geralmente ficava nas camas, mas também poderia estar na grama. Eu poderia marcar vários bass nas camas, voltar e pegá-los. Então, eu iria pescar nas bordas de grama para preencher um limite ou atualizar.

No formato Bass Pro Tour - onde todos os peixes com mais de 2 libras contam - sentar-se em cinco peixes bass à vista durante todo o dia não é necessariamente a maneira mais prática de abordar Rayburn para uma vitória. Mas Grisby ainda planeja avistar peixes no início da temporada de 2021.

“Depende muito do tempo, das temperaturas do ar e da água, mas não importa o que aconteça, a pesca à vista será um jogador para mim em Rayburn este ano”, diz Grigsby. “As fêmeas grandes podem ser mimadas às vezes, e é impressionante a rapidez com que podem se mover da superfície rasa para a grama neste lago. Nada mudou na maneira de ver os peixes de maneira adequada: o bass macho protege as camas, mas as fêmeas grandes são muito meticulosas. Como pescador, você deve definir rapidamente quais bass provavelmente serão capturados. ”

A reputação de Grigsby como pescador à vista é incomparável. O profissional da Flórida espera que a pesca à vista seja um fator importante no Estágio Um, Sam Rayburn. Foto de Phoenix Moore

O básico ainda é o básico (mas mais rápido)

Grigsby diz que as regras básicas da pesca à vista ainda se aplicam no formato MLF, mas com uma maior consciência do tempo que obriga um pescador a ficar mais atento a pequenos sinais do peixe que está mirando.

“A primeira coisa é a atitude deles: eles decolaram quando você se aproximou? Eles voltaram rapidamente? ” Grisby pergunta. “Gosto quando eles são agressivos. Freqüentemente, o macho empurra a fêmea para fora da cama, mas você quer a fêmea agressiva, aquela que retorna e parece agitada com a sua isca. Como sempre, você precisará ver onde está no SCORETRACKER® antes de decidir gastar muito tempo pescando um gigante realmente letárgico. Ter o SCORETRACKER® realmente torna sua decisão mais rápida. ”

Sabendo que a lista do Bass Pro Tour inclui uma lista substancial de pescadores habilidosos, Grigsby espera contar com uma abordagem diversificada e uma mistura de iscas no Estágio Um.

“Trata-se de pegar muitos desses veículos de 2 a 5 libras”, diz ele. “Se eu tiver alguns grandes nas camas, quero pegá-los imediatamente. Mas se eu assustar um e deixá-lo, sei que o próximo barco virá buscá-los. A parte mais difícil agora é administrar sua pesca. (Você tem que) descobrir o que vai morder mais rápido, o Pólo de Força para baixo e fazer o primeiro elenco valer. ”

Misturando tudo

Grigsby espera usar uma variedade de plásticos macios como Rage Bugs, Rage Lizards, Caffeine Shads, pequenos tubos, um Ocho e até mesmo um drop-shot em Rayburn. Adicione uma mistura de grilos Strike King Thunder, Red Eye Shads e um jerkbait KVD, e o profissional da Mercury acredita que tem uma caixa de ferramentas completa para o leste do Texas no início de março.

“Procurarei peixes grandes para avistar peixes com meu motor de pesca no alto e usarei as iscas móveis para pegar o bass enquanto procuro os gigantes”, diz ele. "Provavelmente, vou jogar aquele Thunder Cricket mais para a minha isca móvel. Eu estava atrasado para o jogo com o gabarito vibratório. Recebi um jig vibrante cerca de dois anos antes de os caras começarem a ganhar com eles.

“Lembro-me de ter olhado para ela, me perguntando como a lâmina iria funcionar e como ela interferiria nas ligações. Eu nunca amarrei. Então, os caras começam a pegar uma tonelada de baixo com eles. Eu disse 'Doggone, eu tenho um desses!' E pode apostar que empatei. Eu estava um pouco atrasado nisso. ”

Embora Sam Rayburn Reservoir tenha fornecido generosamente para Grigsby ao longo de sua carreira, há mais uma coisa que ele adoraria deixar Jasper, Texas, no final do Estágio Um.

“Ainda não venci o Bass Pro Tour ou a Copa MLF”, diz ele. “Já concordei, mas nunca ganhei. Eu ganhei em todos os outros níveis que pesquei. Eu adoraria ganhar (um torneio MLF), esse é meu objetivo final. Sempre acho que tenho uma oportunidade de vencer o Rayburn. Pudemos ver o recorde de peixes grandes para o Bass Pro Tour capturado aqui - é raro estar lá nesta época do ano e não ver um bass de 5 a 13 libras em uma cama. Estou animado por estar em um dos melhores lagos do país na melhor época do ano para um bass realmente grande. ”


O Museu Sam Rayburn, localizado em Bonham, Texas, é uma das quatro divisões do Dolph Briscoe Center for American History. É a criação do homem que serviu como Presidente da Câmara dos Representantes dos Estados Unidos por mais tempo do que qualquer outra pessoa: Sam Taliaferro Rayburn (1882 e ndash1961). Carinhosamente conhecido como & quotMr. Sam & quot por seus amigos e colegas, Rayburn fundou o museu em 1957 como uma homenagem ao povo de seu querido condado de Fannin.

Sam Rayburn atuou como congressista durante as administrações de oito presidentes e participou da aprovação da maior parte da legislação significativa da primeira metade do século XX. Ele se tornou presidente do poderoso Comitê de Comércio Exterior e Interestadual em 1931 e líder da maioria na Câmara em 1937. Rayburn, assim como o vice-presidente John Nance Garner, desempenhou um papel fundamental na aprovação de grande parte do New Deal do presidente Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Em 1941, Rayburn tornou-se presidente da Câmara dos Representantes, cargo que ocupou por dezesseis anos, mais do que qualquer outro indivíduo na história dos Estados Unidos. Exceto por dois breves períodos em que o Partido Republicano controlou a Câmara (1947 & ndash1948 e 1953 & ndash1955), Rayburn continuou a servir como presidente da Câmara até sua morte em 1961.

O Museu Sam Rayburn tornou-se uma divisão do Briscoe Center em 1991. O Museu está aberto ao público para visitação e passeios. Ele contém exposições sobre a vida e carreira de Sam Rayburn e apresenta uma réplica exata do cargo de Presidente da Câmara dos Representantes durante o mandato de Rayburn nessa posição. O Museu Rayburn também abriga a biblioteca pessoal de Rayburn e uma extensa coleção de livros que se relacionam com sua carreira ou com as pessoas, questões e eventos com os quais ele lidou durante seus anos de serviço público.

O Desenvolvimento Histórico do Museu Sam Rayburn

Clique para ver o vídeo
Título: The Sam Rayburn Library Dedication

Em 1949, a Collier's Magazine concedeu a Sam Rayburn US $ 10.000 por serviços de destaque prestados à nação. Rayburn usou esse prêmio para estabelecer uma doação que, com presentes adicionais, acabou crescendo o suficiente para apoiar a construção e operação de uma biblioteca e museu. A construção do Museu Sam Rayburn foi iniciada em dezembro de 1955 e o Museu Sam Rayburn foi inaugurado em 1957. De 1957 a 1990, o Museu Rayburn foi operado sob os auspícios da Fundação Rayburn. Em 1o de janeiro de 1991, a propriedade do Museu Sam Rayburn foi transferida para a Universidade do Texas em Austin e foi estabelecida como uma divisão do Briscoe Center for American History.


Texas Legends # 3: Sam Rayburn

Em 1912, o congressista Choice B. Randell optou por concorrer à indicação democrata para o Senado, em vez da reeleição. Sam Rayburn, de 30 anos (1882-1961), presidente da Câmara do Texas, concorreu para a vaga. Sua plataforma era a de um democrata jeffersoniano e em seus discursos apoiava o & # 8220 comércio livre, governo representativo, privilégio especial para ninguém, imposto de renda, direitos estaduais, imposto de herança federal, eleição direta de senadores, direito do trabalho a organizações , e a abolição do colégio eleitoral & # 8221 (Shanks, 64). A carreira de Rayburn já era promissora, visto que ele escolheu usar os vastos poderes da posição de presidente em vez de abdicar de sua autoridade para os chefes do partido, e usou esses poderes para aprovar legislação progressiva, incluindo restrições à jornada de trabalho para mulheres e trabalho infantil leis. Após sua vitória, o Whip da maioria John Nance Garner viu o potencial de Rayburn e # 8217s e usou sua influência para colocá-lo no Comitê de Comércio Exterior e Interestadual da Câmara, onde esteve envolvido na aprovação de legislação antitruste.

Rayburn e # 8217s Rise to Leadership

O congressista Rayburn apoiou fortemente a Underwood Tariff, que tanto reduzia a tarifa média quanto impunha um imposto de renda e, em 1914, ele patrocinou o Railway Stock and Bond Bill, uma parte fundamental da agenda antitruste do presidente Wilson & # 8217. Sua medida obteve uma forte votação na Câmara, sendo aprovada por 325-12 em 5 de junho de 1914. Rayburn afirmou que o Partido Democrata não se opunha a negócios ou capital, declarando: & # 8220Sabemos que deve haver grandes agregações de capital para levar avante os grandes e crescentes negócios do país, portanto, seríamos mais tolos se fizéssemos qualquer coisa que pudesse impedir ou retardar o crescimento do país. Pretendemos fazer justiça simples e, por outro lado, estamos determinados a que os negócios lidem com justiça com as pessoas & # 8221 (Shanks, 67). No entanto, Rayburn nem sempre concordou com a administração Wilson. Apesar de ser um defensor das leis de trabalho infantil em nível estadual, ele votou contra o projeto de lei de trabalho infantil de Keating-Owen com base nos direitos estaduais. Ele também foi contra os progressistas em seu apoio ao fim do controle governamental de emergência das ferrovias após o fim da Primeira Guerra Mundial, declarando, & # 8220Eu quero ver todos esses poderes de guerra revogados e o governo sair desses negócios caros e socialistas . Eu quero voltar ao normal & # 8221 (Shanks, 72). Ele também foi um firme defensor da perspectiva internacionalista de Wilson & # 8217 e isso informaria suas posições sobre as relações exteriores durante os anos Roosevelt e Truman. Curiosamente, o tempo extra de Rayburn se tornaria mais progressivo. Ao contrário de seu mentor Garner, ele votou a favor da Emenda da Lei Seca, mas acabou apoiando sua revogação. Em 1927, Rayburn foi brevemente casado com Metze Jones, mas desmoronou depois de menos de três meses por causa de desentendimentos sobre como ele bebia uísque e jogar pôquer, bem como sobre o estilo de vida que vivia em Washington. Após a eleição de 1930, Rayburn tornou-se presidente do Comitê Interestadual e de Comércio Exterior da Câmara e, em 1932, administrou a campanha de John Nance Garner para presidente e negociou a escolha de FDR & # 8217 de Garner como vice-presidente. Ele foi um ator chave na aprovação do New Deal e apoiou a maioria das propostas de FDR & # 8217s. Em 1935, Rayburn patrocinou o Public Utilities Holding Company Act, que acabou por abolir as holdings. Seus esforços foram reconhecidos por outros democratas e em 1937 ele foi eleito líder da maioria. Rayburn aderiu ao New Deal em geral, apesar de muitos de seus colegas sulistas começarem a se afastar dele, incluindo seu mentor e vice-presidente John Nance Garner.

Em 15 de setembro de 1940, o presidente da Câmara, William B. Bankhead, do Alabama, morreu de hemorragia estomacal após anos de saúde debilitada, e os democratas elegeram Rayburn para sucedê-lo no dia seguinte. Rayburn serviria, com apenas duas interrupções, como presidente da Câmara até sua morte, um período de tempo recorde. Ele teve como seu deputado John W. McCormack, de Massachusetts, e trabalharam em conjunto para atrair as cada vez mais diferentes alas do Sul e do Norte do Partido Democrata. Os dois homens estavam empenhados em preservar o New Deal, ao mesmo tempo em que mantinham o avanço dos direitos civis lento. Embora os registros de Rayburn & # 8217s e McCormack & # 8217s fossem opostos sobre a questão, nenhum dos dois falou sobre tais questões. Como palestrante e antes, ele foi o epítome da ética legislativa. Como o historiador Robert A. Caro escreveu sobre ele, & # 8220Lobistas não podiam comprar para ele mais do que uma refeição. Nem mesmo o contribuinte poderia comprar uma refeição para ele. Rejeitando a convenção convencional do Congresso, Rayburn durante seus 48 anos no Congresso faria exatamente uma viagem ao exterior. . . e nessa viagem ele insistiu em pagar suas próprias despesas. Ele recusou não apenas taxas, mas despesas de viagem para apresentadores de discursos de fora da cidade. . . tentei pressioná-lo rapidamente percebeu que haviam cometido um erro. . . . Rayburn diria, & # 8216I & # 8217m não está à venda & # 8217 & # 8211 e então ele iria embora sem olhar para trás & # 8221 (Eddington). Sua honestidade era tanta que, quando lhe perguntaram & # 8220Como você se lembra de todas as coisas que prometeu às pessoas? & # 8221, ele respondeu: & # 8220Se você sempre diz a verdade, não & # 8217não precisa de memorandos para lembrar o que disse & # 8221 (Caro). Rayburn lidou habilmente com o sistema de presidentes de comitês, já que muitos dos presidentes eram companheiros democratas do sul que mantinham apenas o maior respeito por & # 8220Mr. Sam & # 8221, como era conhecido pelos colegas. Ele usava o humor e a persuasão como ferramentas, mas não tinha medo de usar o poder para manter a ordem, se necessário. Rayburn também foi mentor do futuro presidente Lyndon B. Johnson, que agiria como o filho que nunca teve e trataria o solteiro solitário como família. Em 1947, Rayburn tornou-se líder da minoria quando os republicanos recuperaram o controle do Congresso, mas ele ainda desempenhou um papel crítico na aprovação do Plano Marshall e da Doutrina Truman, que conquistou o apoio bipartidário. Ao contrário de muitos de seus colegas do sul, ele resistiu aos esforços para reverter o poder do trabalho organizado e votou contra a Lei Taft-Hartley, que acabou se transformando em lei contra o veto do presidente Truman. Ao se tornar orador novamente após a eleição de 1948, Rayburn se comprometeu a apoiar a maioria dos aspectos do acordo justo de Truman & # 8217s, mas a Coalizão Conservadora era poderosa demais para a maioria deles passar. No entanto, ele parou em alguns momentos, incluindo quando os interesses do Texas estavam diretamente envolvidos: como todos os outros políticos do Texas, ele apoiou o projeto de lei Tidelands, finalmente assinado pelo presidente Dwight Eisenhower em 1953, que concedeu aos estados os títulos de recursos da plataforma continental.

Durante a administração Eisenhower, Rayburn e Lyndon B. Johnson desempenharam papéis interessantes em se enquadrarem como a agenda & # 8220saving & # 8221 Eisenhower & # 8217s da ala conservadora do Partido Republicano. Isso incluiu a aprovação de amplos pacotes de ajuda externa e apoio à expansão do governo em algumas áreas. Os dois texanos também negociaram acordos com a administração Eisenhower e com os líderes republicanos. Em 1956 e 1960, Rayburn apoiou os esforços de Johnson & # 8217s para garantir a indicação democrata para presidente.

O histórico de Rayburn sobre os direitos civis foi complicado, marcado por uma mudança distinta do apoio a posturas cruamente racistas para o apoio ativo a uma abordagem incremental. Ele desempenhou um papel fundamental na admissão do Alasca e do Havaí como estados, o que acrescentou quatro senadores pró-direitos civis e também amenizou seu histórico segregacionista anterior, ajudando a conduzir os Atos de Direitos Civis de 1957 e 1960 na Câmara. No início de sua carreira, no entanto, Rayburn votou pela criminalização das relações inter-raciais em Washington D.C., repetidamente contra o sufrágio feminino, para proibir os negros de imigrar para os EUA e repetidamente contra a legislação anti-linchamento. No entanto, em 1954, ele pensava que a decisão Brown v. Board of Education era a coisa certa a fazer e em 1956 ele não assinou o Manifesto do Sul.

Rayburn & # 8217s Final Battle: O Comitê de Regras

Em 20 de janeiro de 1961, John F. Kennedy foi empossado como 35º presidente dos Estados Unidos e, embora os democratas tivessem maiorias convincentes na Câmara e no Senado, o Partido Democrata era diferente há sessenta anos do que hoje, pois existia uma ala conservadora significativa entre os democratas do sul. Sam Rayburn começara sua carreira em 1913, quando os democratas do sul aderiram a um progressivismo wilsoniano, e esse espírito nunca abandonou Rayburn; na verdade, ele se tornara mais progressivo com a idade. A figura mais problemática para os democratas liberais entre os sulistas foi o presidente do Comitê de Regras, Howard W. Smith, da Virgínia, que foi um dos primeiros democratas do sul a se opor aos programas do New Deal. Ele havia usado seu poleiro como presidente desde 1955 para colaborar com os republicanos para obstruir muitas das bases do Partido Democrata. Rayburn estava determinado a dar aos programas do presidente Kennedy & # 8217s New Frontier uma chance contra a Coalizão Conservadora, então ele propôs expandir o Comitê de Regras para três membros, dois democratas e um republicano. O presidente Smith e o líder da minoria Charles Halleck (R-Ind.) Se opuseram veementemente a esse movimento, e os democratas do sul estavam divididos entre ficar do lado de Rayburn ou Smith, ambos homens pelos quais tinham tremendo respeito. Rayburn conseguiu o apoio público do presidente Kennedy para essa medida e também de outro Bay Stater com quem ele tinha uma amizade: o ex-presidente da Câmara, Joe Martin. Apesar de ter se oposto a medidas anteriores para liberalizar o Comitê de Regras para ajudar a aprovação das propostas legislativas de Truman & # 8217s, Martin acreditava que seus colegas programas de Bay Stater & # 8217s deveriam ter uma chance, e deu apoio ao movimento de expansão de Rayburn & # 8217s, que obteve 22 votos republicanos para a proposta, que foi aprovada por 217-212 em 31 de janeiro. A maioria dos texanos tinha ficado do lado de Rayburn, enquanto todos, exceto um democrata da Virgínia, ficaram do lado de Smith. Essa mudança no Comitê de Regras ajudou a aprovar algumas leis da Nova Fronteira. Ao longo do ano, porém, Rayburn parecia desacelerar, com seus amigos observando que ele estava cansado, doente, perdendo peso rapidamente devido à perda de apetite, e em duas ocasiões no verão ele desmaiou enquanto presidia a Casa (Martinez). Ele descartou isso como uma doença lombar, mas em 27 de setembro de 1961, Rayburn foi diagnosticado com câncer de pâncreas que a essa altura já havia se espalhado por todo o corpo. Ele morreu em menos de dois meses aos 79 anos. Na época de sua morte, Rayburn havia batido o recorde de tempo de serviço e de serviço contínuo entre suas outras realizações. His penchant for integrity was again revealed by the state of his finances after his death – he didn’t profit from his service at all as he had only $35,000 in the bank and owed $18,000. Rayburn’s lifetime MC-Index score was a 20%, with his progressivism being stronger in New Deal years than during the Wilson years.

Caro, R. Books: LBJ Had a Bright Side and a Dark Side. History News Network.

Champagne, A. & Ewing, F.F. Rayburn, Samuel Taliaferro (1882-1961). Texas State Historical Association.

Eddington, M. (2006, February 25). Bennett backs off on ethics remarks. The Salt Lake Tribune.

Hill, R. (2014, November 16). & # 8216Mr. Speaker:’ Sam Rayburn of Texas. Knoxville Focus.


Rayburn, Samuel Taliaferro (1882&ndash1961)

Sam Rayburn, Texas legislator, congressman, and longtime speaker of the United States House of Representatives, was born near the Clinch River in Roane County, eastern Tennessee, on January 6, 1882, son of William Marion and Martha (Waller) Rayburn. In 1887 the family moved from Tennessee to a forty-acre cotton farm near Windom in Fannin County, Texas. Bonham, in the same county, eventually became Rayburn's permanent residence. At the age of eighteen he entered East Texas Normal College he alternately attended college and taught school and still completed in two years the three-year normal-school course leading to the B.S. grau. He taught school two years, then left teaching to pursue a long-standing ambition of becoming a lawyer and legislator, inspired in part by an acquaintance with the political career of Senator Joseph Weldon Bailey. In 1906 Rayburn won a seat in the Texas House of Representatives he attended the University of Texas law school between legislative sessions and was admitted to the State Bar of Texas in 1908. He was reelected to the state legislature in 1908 and 1910 in his third term he served as speaker of the House. In 1912 he was elected to the United States Congress as a Democrat from the Fourth Texas District. After the 1912 election Rayburn had no Republican opponent at any time during his lengthy congressional career.

His oath of office on April 7, 1913, as a member of the House of Representatives marked the beginning of more than forty-eight years of continuous service, the longest record of service in the House ever established (at the time of his death in 1961). He became majority leader in the Seventy-fifth and Seventy-sixth congresses (1937–40) and in 1940 was elected speaker of the House to fill the unexpired term of Speaker William B. Bankhead. Rayburn continued as speaker of the United States House of Representatives in every Democratic-controlled Congress from the Seventy-sixth through the Eighty-seventh (1940–61). During the two periods of Republican majorities in the House (1947–49 and 1953–55), he served as minority leader. On three occasions during his legislative career (in 1948, 1952, and 1956), he served as permanent chairman of the Democratic national convention. Rayburn's congressional career spanned the particularly accelerated legislative activity that occurred during the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry S. Truman Rayburn was a participant in the passage of most of the significant legislation of the first half of the twentieth century. During his first term in Congress he was appointed to the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, where he specialized in railroad legislation. This was the only House committee on which he ever served, and he remained on it until he was elected majority leader in 1937. In his first term he introduced a measure for increasing the power of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and during World War I he sponsored the War Risk Insurance Act.

Rayburn became a close political ally of the powerful Texas congressman John Nance Garner and in 1932 served as Garner's campaign manager in the race for the Democratic presidential nomination. Rayburn was a major figure in the negotiations that led to the Roosevelt-Garner ticket in 1932. After Roosevelt was elected president, Rayburn became a leading supporter of the New Deal. As chairman of the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee (1931–37), he was instrumental in the passage of the Truth in Securities Act, the bills that established the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Federal Communications Commission, the Public Utilities Holding Company Act, the Emergency Railroad Transportation Act, and, with Senator George W. Norris, the Rural Electrification Act. After 1937, as majority leader and then speaker of the House, Rayburn was responsible for guiding the remaining portions of the basic New Deal program through that chamber. During World War II he helped ensure the legislative base and financial support for the war effort, and in the postwar years he opposed what he regarded as reactionary or inflationary legislative proposals, while supporting President Truman's foreign-assistance programs and his basic domestic measures. During the administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower, Rayburn worked closely with Lyndon B. Johnson, who was majority leader of the Senate. They proved to be a potent team. Rayburn supported his protégé Johnson for the presidency, and his approval was crucial to Johnson's decision to run for vice president with John F. Kennedy in 1960.

Throughout Rayburn's career he was a strong supporter of the Democratic nominee for president, a position that often placed him in conflict with the conservative wing of the state Democratic party. That conflict was most intense in the 1950s, when Rayburn supported Adlai E. Stevenson for president, even though most state elected officials supported Eisenhower. Although a review of Sam Rayburn's legislative record reveals a pattern of broad consistency, his career is not easily reduced to categorization. Even though he sponsored or supported most of the New Deal legislation, he was regarded at the time as more of a "middle-of-the-roader" than a liberal or "New Dealer." Although he was viewed as a loyal "party man," he retained and exercised an independence of action that occasionally cut sharply across party aims, and though his complete mastery of political process made him a formidable congressional adversary, his fairness and candor within the process brought him respect from both sides of the aisle. Rayburn's personal integrity was legendary: he accepted no money from lobbyists, he went on only one congressional junket in forty-eight years (he paid his own way), and he even refused travel expenses on speaking tours. Within his Northeast Texas congressional district, Rayburn was known as a politician who kept in close touch with constituents. His informality allowed him to identify with the people of his largely rural district. He was known to be very effective in dealing with his constituents' individual problems, and he brought numerous projects to the district, including rural electrification, farm-to-market roads, Lake Texoma, Lavon Lake, several smaller lakes, the Veterans Administration Hospital, McKinney, the Bonham Veterans Domiciliary (Vejo SAM RAYBURN MEMORIAL VETERANS CENTER), and such bases as Perrin Field (later Perrin Air Force Base) near Sherman and Jones Field near Bonham.

In 1949 "Mr. Sam" was awarded the $10,000 Collier's award for distinguished service to the nation, and this award became the basis of an endowment for establishing and maintaining the Sam Rayburn Library at Bonham. The library, completed in 1957 and dedicated by former president Truman, housed Rayburn's public and private papers until they were moved to the Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin. With its related research materials, the Rayburn Library operates as a study center for problems in contemporary American politics and government. Rayburn was married in 1927 to Metze Jones, the sister of his good friend Congressman John Marvin Jones, but the marriage lasted less than three months. Rayburn remained unmarried thereafter. He joined the Primitive Baptist Church in Tioga, Texas, in 1956, shortly after the death of his sister Lucinda Rayburn and two other relatives. He died of cancer at age seventy-nine on November 16, 1961, and was buried in Bonham.


Sam Rayburn - History

LSB Property Management assumed management of the association effective May 1, 2021.

If you are a property owner, please contact our main office at 832.433.7995 for account questions.

ALL CLOSING DOCUMENT REQUESTS: email the lot number(s), owner, and closing date to [email protected] to request a resale certificate or other documents needed.

The next board meeting will be held on Monday, June 28th, 2021 at the Rayburn Country Resort Restaurant, 2376 Wingate Blvd, Brookeland, TX. We also hope to be able to broadcast the meeting via Zoom. A Zoom link will be sent t o all owners with an email registered with the management company.

The meeting will be called to order at 5:30, and the board will go into closed session.

Open session will reconvene at 6:30PM.

Cerca de

Rayburn Country Association (RCA) is a resort community that is a Property Owner’s Association located near beautiful Lake Sam Rayburn. Lake Sam Rayburn is the largest man-made lake in the state nestled deep in the heart of the Piney Woods of Southeast Texas. RCA consists of 38 sections, 4,221 platted home-sites and home to over 1200 amazing & friendly families.

Native plant and animal life surround the rustic lake and beautiful countryside setting the perfect backdrop for outdoor recreation such as camping, boating, swimming, fishing, and hunting. Lake Sam Rayburn is nationally renowned for its large-mouth bass fishery, and hosts numerous fishing tournaments each year. The annually stocked lake is home to many fish species, including crappie, catfish, and white bass, and offers year-round opportunity for the avid fisherman. River Otters swim beside the shore banks, while White Pelicans and the American Bald Eagle are seen flying amidst the massive Stately Pines and Bald Cypress trees.

The natural serenity found at Lake Sam Rayburn cannot be adequately described in words. From the breathtaking colors of the sunrise, to the feel of the wind on your face. Whether you want to simply come and stay for the weekend, or build your dream home, the Southern hospitality of the lake will beckon you to return again and again.

Nossa história


Sam Rayburn History: Mr. Speaker and his Legacy

On Thursday, March 18, the Sam Rayburn House State Historic Site and the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History’s Sam Rayburn Museum in Bonham teamed up to present a look at the life and career of one of the most influential Americans of the 20th century.

This was the second of a two-part series, and explored Sam Rayburn’s role as the longest-serving Speaker of the House of Representatives in U.S. history. View the recording of the first part of this digital history series: Mr. Sam’s Roots and Early Career.

Please enjoy this recording from part 2.

Unfortunately, there was not enough time to answer all the questions that came in at the end of the webinar. Below are answers to the questions we did not have time for.

  • 1a. Any idea how many things are officially named after Mr. Sam? I remember the student center at East Texas State University (A&M Commerce) is named after him.
  • 1b. When was the Rayburn Office building in D.C. named?

Following is a listing of all the tributes and honors to Mr. Sam:

Postage Stamp:

The Citizens’ Stamp Advisory Committee held its quarterly meeting the same day as Speaker Rayburn’s death, November 16, 1961. Upon hearing the news of Rayburn’s passing, the committee immediately approved a commemorative stamp in his honor. Postmaster General J. Edward Day made the official announcement during a speech in New York the following evening. Robert L. Miller of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing designed the stamp, which featured a portrait of Sam Rayburn in front of the U.S. Capitol dome. The final design was unveiled on July 30, 1962. The Sam Rayburn Library celebrated the first day of issuance of the stamp with a ceremony on September 16, 1962, the 22nd anniversary of Rayburn’s election as Speaker of the house.

Congressional Gold Medal:

On March 18, 1966, Assistant Secretary of the treasury Robert Wallace delivered this gold medal to the Sam Rayburn Foundation. It was posthumously awarded to Rayburn in 1962. Since 1776, only 168 such medals have been commissioned (the first going to a certain George Washington). Initially meant to honor outstanding military achievements, the scope of the award broadened over time to recognize heroic and patriotic conduct as well as excellence in many areas, including the arts, athletics, diplomacy, exploration, medicine, and politics. Rayburn was awarded the medal in recognition of his “distinguished public service and outstanding contribution to the general welfare…rendered to the people of the United States.”

o USS Sam Rayburn was a fleet ballistic missile submarine launched on December 20, 1963, sponsored by Rayburn’s sisters, Mrs. S. E. Bartley and Mrs. W. A. Thomas, and commissioned on December 2, 1964, with Captain Oliver H. Perry, Jr. in command of the Blue Crew and Commander William A. Williams III in command of the Gold Crew. The submarine was deactivated in 1985 and officially decommissioned in 1989 and reclassified as a moored training ship. Following its deactivation, the anchor and chain from the USS Sam Rayburn were loaned to the Sam Rayburn Museum for permanent display on the grounds.

In 1961, the ARP Nursery Company in Tyler, Texas, developed a new hybrid tea rose and debuted it at the Tyler Rose Festival that October. Since the rose was yet unnamed, nursery owners L. A. Dean and Clark Kidd encouraged festival visitors to submit possible names, and “Speaker Sam” was chosen from the suggestions. When the nursery wrote to ask permission to use Rayburn’s name, Kidd described the selection as a “historical Texas name familiar to everyone, loved by strangers…a proper name for one of the rare real Texas roses.” Rayburn, who was bedridden in the Risser Hospital at the time, gratefully gave his consent, and the “Speaker Sam” name became official.

Sam Rayburn Reservoir is a reservoir located about 70 miles north of Beaumont. The reservoir is fed by the Angelina River, the major tributary of the Neches River. Originally known as McGee Bend Dam and Reservoir, the name was changed in September 1963 following a special resolution adopted by the 88th Congress, changing the name to “Sam Rayburn Dam and Reservoir” in honor of the recently deceased Speaker of the House, Sam Rayburn, a long-time champion of soil and water conservation. Dedication ceremonies were held on May 8, 1965.

Buildings/Rooms:

In March 1955, House Speaker Sam Rayburn, as chairman of the commission, introduced an amendment for a third House office building, although no site had been identified, no architectural study had been done, and no plans prepared. The cornerstone of the new building was laid in May 1962, and full occupancy began in February 1965. Tradition mandated that the building be named after the Speaker who secured the appropriations for it, so it was named the Rayburn House Office Building.

The Rayburn Room is a large reception room at the United States Capitol where members of Congress can meet with press or constituents. It also serves as a holding room for visiting officials attending joint sessions of Congress.

The Bonham VA was officially renamed the Sam Rayburn Memorial Veterans Center on September 16, 1973, marking the 33rd anniversary of Rayburn’s election as Speaker of the House.

School-Related:

Sam Rayburn High School in Pasadena, Texas
Sam Rayburn Independent School District in Ivanhoe, Texas
Sam Rayburn Intermediate School in Bryan, Texas
Sam Rayburn Middle School in San Antonio, Texas
Sam Rayburn Elementary School in McAllen, Texas
Sam Rayburn Elementary School in Grand Prairie, Texas
Sam Rayburn Memorial Student Center at Texas A&M – Commerce, his alma mater

Road-Related:

Sam Rayburn Memorial Highway, roughly a 40-mile section of Texas State Highway 121 that begins at Texas State Highway 78, two miles north of Bonham, and ends at its terminus with the Sam Rayburn Tollway in McKinney
Sam Rayburn Tollway is a toll road in the Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex that goes through Dallas, Denton, and Collin counties in northeast Texas
Sam Rayburn Freeway is a portion of U.S. Highway 75 that runs through Sherman
Sam Rayburn Drive is a portion of Texas State Highway 56 that runs through Bonham

  • 2. Do you have anything from the ballistic missile submarine USS Sam Rayburn (SSBN-635) in the museum?

While the Sam Rayburn House only has commemorative items from that event, including a commemorative plate with a model of the submarine, the Sam Rayburn Museum has the anchor and chain from the submarine displayed on its grounds.

  • 3a. What year was the Farm to Market Road Program started?
  • 3b. What is a farm-to-market road?
  • 3c. Do other states have an FM road system?

Hailing from a small farming community, Rayburn was a big proponent of rural roadways. This first farm-to-market road in Texas was completed in January 1937 in Rusk County. In 1945, the highway commission authorized a three-year pilot program for the construction of 7,205 miles of farm-to-market roadways, with cost to be shared equally by the state and federal governments. Legislation passed in 1949, formally establishing the farm-to-market road system and appropriating funding for the creation of an extensive system of secondary roads to provide access to the rural areas of the state. Texas’ farm-to-market road system initially included just over 7,000 miles of rural roadways, but now accounts for over half the mileage in the Texas Department of Transportation system and is the largest secondary highway system in the country with 3,550 designated routes. Similar farm-to-market road systems have been adopted by Missouri, Iowa, and Louisiana.

The Sam Rayburn House State Historic Site and the Sam Rayburn Museum are planning more webinars on Mr. Sam and his accomplishments. To stay up to date with the latest news, follow our Facebook pages:

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Sam Rayburn - History

President Kennedy led the nation, Republicans and Democrats alike, in mourning Mr. Rayburn as a great American. Mr. Kennedy and former President Harry S. Truman will lead mourners at the funeral Saturday in Bonham.

Mr. Rayburn, who served longer as Representative and Speaker than any other man in history, will lie in state tomorrow at the Sam Rayburn Library for twenty-four hours while officials gather for the funeral.

He was Speaker for seventeen years.

It was disclosed that Mr. Rayburn had known since Sept. 27 that he had cancer. He began to fail in health last spring, lost weight and appetite. In June and July he had two moments of unconsciousness in the Speaker&aposs chair. But he insisted on working for the Kennedy New Frontier program.

The disease spread through his body and into the brain, causing failure of the respiratory system and a calm, painless end at 7:20 A.M., Eastern standard time.

The funeral will be held at 2:30 P.M. President Kennedy will interrupt a Western speaking tour and fly to Bonham to attend. Vice President Johnson flew to Bonham by plane and helicopter. He went to the Rayburn home, west of the city limits.

Burial will be in the family plot at Willow Wild Cemetery after services in Bonham&aposs First Baptist Church. Mr. Rayburn will be buried next to his sister Lucinda, who died of cancer in 1956. She was closest to him of all his ten brothers and sisters.

As soon as Mr. Rayburn learned that he had cancer and that there was no hope, he asked that no flowers be sent to his death. Send money, instead, he said, to the Rayburn Foundation, which maintains the Rayburn Library. This holds all the mementos of his career.

He had thought the pains he suffered in his back were from lumbago. Tests at Baylor University Medical Center in Dallas Oct. 5 disclosed that the cancer was widespread and inoperable. Mr. Rayburn was taken to Risser Hospital, a fifteen-bed clinic.

The end was swift and calm. There was no pain. He seemed to drift into death.

The final medical bulletin from Dr. Joe Risser, his physician said:

"At 6:20 A.M., Central Standard Time, Mr. Sam passed away. He died quietly. His respiration stopped. His heart continued beating for four minutes. There was no evidence of pain lines in his face.

"He seemed as one in sleep. The cause of death was a paralysis of the breathing muscles in the central respiratory system. The respiratory center of the brain ceased to function."

"A very easy death," Dr. Risser said.

The White House was told before the news was publicly announced. President Kennedy issued a message of condolence, calling Mr. Rayburn a "devoted servant and an unflinching friend" of all Americans.

The White House flag was lowered to half staff.

Fulfilled Boyhood Ambition

As a boy, working in the fields of his father&aposs forty-acre cotton farm in North Texas, Sam Rayburn made up his mind to enter politics when he grew up and eventually to become Speaker of the United States House of Representatives. Then, perhaps even more than now, the Speakership was widely regarded as second only to the Presidency among the country&aposs elective offices.

Mr. Rayburn achieved his goal on Sept. 16, 1940, when the House elected him to succeed William B. Bankhead of Alabama, who had died the previous day. From then until his death, he served as Speaker in every Congress except the Republican-controlled Eightieth (1947 to 1949) and the Eighty-third (1953 to 1955). He was minority leader of the House in those four years.

On Jan. 30, 1951, he broke the record f Henry Clay for length of service as Speaker. At intervals between 1811 and 1825, Clay held the office for eight years, four months and eleven days. By June 12, 1961, Mr. Rayburn had doubled Clay&aposs record.

He also set new marks for tenure as a member of the House. In 1958 he exceeded the record for continuous membership--more than forty-five years--that had been held by the late Adolph J. Sabath of Illinois. The next year he overtook former Speaker Joseph G. Cannon&aposs record of forty-six years of non-continuous membership in the House.

To most of his House colleagues Mr. Rayburn was known as "Mr. Speaker." Very few of them called him "Sam." Sometimes he was called "Mr. Sam."

Became Familiar Figure

He presided over the Democratic National Conventions of 1948, 1952 and 1956 as permanent chairman. In that role his often scowling countenance and big gavel, which he wielded with firm authority, became a familiar sight to television viewers. He turned down the post in 1960 to serve as floor manager in the bid for the Presidential nomination made by his fellow Texan, Senator Lyndon B. Johnson.

Not log ago the bald, blocky Texan, puffing a cigarette in one of his relaxed moods, summed up his career in a sentence.

"I am one man in public life who is satisfied, who has achieved every ambition of his youth," he said.

Mr. Rayburn will go down in history as one of the strong Speakers but also as a parliamentary leader who relied mainly on persuasion and almost never on raw power to achieve his aims. A man of taciturn dignity and no talent or envy for polished oratory, he occasionally was able to swing a close vote in the House by one of his infrequent and characteristically brief speeches.

More often, however, he made his influence felt by private contact with members, personally and through a dozen or so Democratic lieutenants, including several senior committee chairmen and several younger members with whom he consulted and worked closely.

His main weapons for enforcing party discipline did not derive from the fixed power of Speakership, much of which had been stripped away in the 1910 revolt against the "czarism" of Speaker Cannon. They came rather from the inherent authority of the Speaker, as his party&aposs principal House leader, to influence committee assignment and otherwise to advance or retard the legislative and political careers of party members.

He used these weapons sparingly and subtly--too much so to please some of the more liberal members of the Democratic party. Too often, in their estimation, the legislative product reflected unnecessary compromises and accommodation with a coalition of Republicans and Southern Democrats, a powerful force with which Mr. Rayburn had to contend throughout his tenure as Speaker.

But many impartial students of government held that the Rayburn technique was far more productive than an authoritarian, uncompromising or militantly partisan approach would have been. Mr. Rayburn himself put the matter this way:

"You cannot lead people by trying to drive them. Persuasion and reason are the only ways to lead them. In that way the Speaker has influence and power in the House.

In carrying out his philosophy of leadership, Mr. Rayburn drew on vast reserves of personal friendships and loyalties among colleagues in both parties. Other helpful assets included a reputation for unswerving veracity, massive integrity and consistent fairness, a personality devoid of pretension and a relaxed sometimes earthy, sense of humor.

Throughout his public career, Mr. Rayburn held in testy contempt all efforts to classify his political philosophy as conservative, liberal, moderate or by any other such term.

"I always say without prefix, without suffix and without apology that I am a Democrat," he explained in an interview.

As a Democrat, he prided himself on his ability to follow as well as to lead. He followed the leadership of President Woodrow Wilson in his early years in Congress. He followed that of Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt in the New Deal, Harry S. Truman in the Fair Deal and John F. Kennedy on the New Frontier.

He often said that "you can&apost be a leader and ask other people to follow you unless you know how to follow, too."

And his standard advice to first-term members of Congress was: "If you want to get along--go along."

He adhered to that precept from the start of his own first term in the house, on March 4, 1913, and soon came to be regarded as one of the newly inaugurated President Wilson&aposs bright young men.

Spurred New Deal Laws

As chairman of the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee from 1931 to 1937, Mr. Rayburn was the House sponsor and manager of New Deal regulatory measures that evoked some of the most bitter controversy of the period. These included the Securities Act of 1933, to prevent fraud in the sale of stocks and bonds the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, and the Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935, with its "death sentence" clause for the utility trusts. He also sponsored a bill that established the Rural Electrification Administration.

Over the years of loyal support for Democratic principles, Mr. Rayburn occasionally excused himself from the rule of party regularity when Democratic policies conflicted with what he conceived to be his responsibility as a representative from the Fourth Congressional District of Texas.

He opposed President Truman, for example, in supporting legislation to relieve natural-gas producers of strict Federal price regulation. He felt that the economy of his state was largely contingent upon the financial well-being of the gas and oil-producing industry. Mr. Truman vetoed the bill.

With an eye to the economic interests of Texas, Mr. Rayburn also saw to it that a heavy majority of members of the tax-writing House Ways and Means Committee opposed repeal or reduction of tax allowances for the depletion of oil and gas reserves.

For Liberal Trade Policies

At the same time, however, he consistently promoted liberal foreign trade programs in his selections for membership on the same committee. Despite strong protectionist pressure from Texas oil and gas interests. Democratic committee assignment almost invariably went to trusted advocates of a foreign economic policy favoring low tariffs and minimum restrictions on the international exchange of goods.

While Mr. Rayburn always disavowed any political aspirations beyond the House Speakership, a few of his closest intimates suspected that he sometimes entertained hopes of becoming President. One of them pointed out recently that his boyhood goal had been set after he had studied the career of James K. Polk of Tennessee, the only House Speaker in history to move along to the Presidency.

In 1940, shortly before Mr. Rayburn was first elected Speaker, the suspicions were substantiated by his obvious availability for the Democratic Vice-Presidential nomination. But at the Democratic convention, President Roosevelt telephoned him and said:

"Sam, I want you to do me a great favor. I want you to make the seconding speech for Henry Wallace [as Vice President]."

Mr. Rayburn loyally carried out the assignment.

Mr. Rayburn became Democratic majority leader in the House in January, 1937. In that post, and subsequently as Speaker, he carried the major responsibility for House approval of the Roosevelt Administration&aposs legislative program.

Opposed by Isolationists

There was a crucial test of his leadership on Aug. 12, 1941, fewer than four months before Pearl Harbor, when isolationists came within one vote of blocking extension of the military draft. Speaker Rayburn was instrumental in mustering the 203-202 majority for passage of the extension bill and was suspected of wielding a quick gavel to bar any motion to reconsider the vote.

During the Truman Administration, Mr. Rayburn helped to win Congressional approval of the Marshall Plan and other foreign-policy and defense legislation sought by the President before and during the Korean conflict.

The Housing Act of 1949 and the far-reaching expansion and liberalization of the Social Security system in 1950 were among the major Fair Deal laws for which he worked. He also stood by President Truman in opposing the Taft-Hartley labor law of 1947, which the Republican- controlled Eightieth Congress enacted over Mr. Truman&aposs veto.

With Democrats in control of Congress for the last six of Dwight D. Eisenhower&aposs eight years as President, Speaker Rayburn shared the Congressional leadership with his close friend and protege from Texas, Mr. Johnson, who was majority leader of the Senate.

On most domestic issues and nearly all foreign questions, the Rayburn-Johnson policy was marked by conciliation and compromise and occasionally by partisan challenge to the Republican President. The result was the enactment of the substance of much of the Eisenhower Administration&aposs legislative program.

Throughout the Roosevelt and Truman years Mr. Rayburn had consistently opposed the White House on a few big issues. One was the proposed passage of legislation to enforce the civil rights of Negroes.

President Eisenhower&aposs recommendations, however, were less offensive to his old South background. Partly at Senator Johnson&aposs inducement, he cooperated in the 1957 enactment of the first major civil rights bill since the Reconstruction era. A second civil rights bill, likewise based on President Eisenhower&aposs recommendations, was enacted in 1960, again with Speaker Rayburn&aposs cooperation. Both measures were designed mainly to protect the voting rights of Negroes in the South.

The session of 1960 , a Presidential election year, found Senator Johnson seeking the Democratic nomination with Speaker Rayburn&aposs active backing A by-product was the attempted passage of a five-part package of social legislation that was opposed strongly by the Eisenhower Administration and conservatives in Congress.

The idea was to sharpen the issues and give the national Democratic ticket a record on which to run in November. It entailed a radical departure from the established Johnson -Rayburn policy of compromise and conciliation, and it pleased those Democrats who had long been agitating for a more militantly liberal and partisan congressional leadership.

As July and the national political conventions approached, only one of the five bills had got though Congress. It called for Federal loans and grants for redevelopment of the country&aposs chronically depressed areas. President Eisenhower vetoed that measure, and Congress failed to override him.

The other bills, calling for a higher minimum wage with broader coverage, health care for the aged under Social Security, Federal aid for school construction and expanded housing programs had been stalled by conservative forces.

Then Senator Johnson and Speaker Rayburn surprisingly decided to take the step of recessing Congress over the conventions instead of adjourning it for the year.

A hectic, politics-ridden post-convention session failed to revive any of the bills. The debacle was especially embarrassing to the Democratic party because Mr. Kennedy, its Presidential nominee, and Mr. Johnson, his running mate, were personally involved in key Senate roles.

Speaker Rayburn, with President Kennedy&aposs support, consequently set out early in 1961 to gain control of the House Rule Committee by enlarging its roster to fifteen. The effort entailed what probably was the most critical test of the Texan&aposs leadership in all his years as Speaker. His continued prestige and power were at stake, and, to a great extent, so was the bulk of the new President&aposs legislative program.

In the ensuing struggle, severe demands were made on party loyalty, and heavy political pressures were exerted by Rayburn lieutenants and the White House to bring about a 217-to-212 House vote for the enlargement plan.

Two regular Democrats and one Republican were added to the Rules Committee, presumably giving the Rayburn-Kennedy forces control by an 8-to-7 margin. The committee was cooperative as liberal housing, depressed-area redevelopment and minimum-wage legislation was sped through Congress fairly early in the session.

A hitch developed, however, when President Kennedy&aposs broad program of Federal aid to education came before the Rules Committee. One of the panel&aposs veteran Democratic regulars, Representative James J. Delaney of Queens, joined the conservatives to bring about an 8-to-7 vote against the legislation. Mr. Delaney, a Roman Catholic representing a Congressional district composed mainly of Catholics, complained that the legislation discriminated against parochial schools.

While much legislation to extend and enlarge accepted liberal programs was passed, Speaker Rayburn and President Kennedy could not overcome conservative forces in the House to win approval of many broad new concepts designed to meet the great social, economic and foreign- policy challenges of the Nineteen Sixties.

The hard fights of this year apparently sapped Mr. Rayburn&aposs strength. With a painful back ailment that had deprived him of much sleep, the Speaker left Washington for rest at his Bonham Tex., home weeks before adjournment of the session. He looked wan, then and tired, for the first time in the memory of his oldest friends. He had never before left the scene of legislation battle before the fighting had ended.

Mr. Rayburn&aposs formal name, which he never used, was Samuel Taliaferro Rayburn. He was born in Eastern Tennessee near Kingston, in Roane County, of Scottish-Irish descent.

His father was William Marion Rayburn, a farmer and Confederate cavalryman. His mother was the former Martha Waller of Virginia. Sam was the eight of their eleven children.

When he was 5, the family moved to Fannin Country in North Texas where the father bought a forty-acre cotton farm. The boy worked in the cotton rows from the time the family settled there and attended a one-room school at near-by Flag Springs.

Mr. Rayburn recalled years later having ridden ten miles on horseback to hear Representative Joseph Weldon Bailey deliver a three-hour oration. Mr. Bailey aspired to the Speakership but never won it. Mr. Rayburn said he believed the speech reinforced his own boyhood decision to seek the office.

When he was 18, with $25 in his pocket, he went to the town of Commerce and attended E. L. Mayo&aposs Normal School, now East Texas State College. He worked his way through by ringing the college bell, sweeping out classrooms, making fires and doing other odd jobs. He took a year out to teach school at Bonham and to finance his final term at Mayo&aposs, where he received a Bachelor of Science degree.

After two more years as a country school teacher, Mr. Rayburn was elected to the Texas House of Representatives in 1906. It was the first of a string of twenty-eight campaigns without a defeat. Three were for the Texas legislature and twenty-five for Congress. At the age of 29, he was elected Speaker of the Texas House and held the post for the last two years of his six-year tenure.

Elected to Congress at 30

While a member of the Legislature, he studied law a the University of Texas and was admitted to the bar. He was 30 when first elected to Congress in 1912.

In 1927, Mr. Rayburn married Matze Jones of Valley View, Tex. They separated almost immediately and the marriage was dissolved a year later.

Mr. Rayburn subsequently lived a bachelor&aposs life but, contrary to some reports, it was not a lonely one. A moderate drinker, he enjoyed parties and accepted many invitations, particularly if the event was to be a small dinner where politics would be the main conversational topic.

It was an almost daily ritual for him to "visit with" a few close friends, as he put it, in a hideaway that he maintained on the ground floor of the Capitol.

Harry S. Truman, as a Senator and later as Vice President, was a fairly regular participant in these late-afternoon sessions of relaxed conversation, scotch, bourbon and branch water. He was called away from one of them by an urgent telephone message from a Presidential aide. He hurried to the White House and was informed that Mr. Roosevelt had died and he was to be sworn in immediately as President.

Mr. Rayburn maintained a two-room apartment near Dupont Circle in northwest Washington. He sometimes cooked suppers of chili and hot tamales for a few guests.

He usually had breakfast sent to the apartment from near-by French restaurant but insisted on American-style fare--orange juice, bacon, shirred eggs and honey. Nearly always he lunched at the House restaurant at the Capitol and often was host to small groups in the Speaker&aposs dining room there.

In earlier years Mr. Rayburn made a practice of walking the two miles or so from his apartment to the Capitol. Later he usually rode in a chauffeur-driven limousine supplied by Congress. But he made a special effort to find some time during the day to stroll around the Capitol grounds. He was a believer in the health benefits of outdoor walking, and he enjoyed it, too.

He loved to fish and spent many week-ends at near-by fishing retreats of friends and was regarded as an excellent fly and bait caster. According to associates, he was also a fine golfer before giving up the same some years ago.

Mr. Rayburn did not affiliate with any religious denomination until late in life and never did attend church services regularly. He had often said that he would like to belong to the Primitive Baptist Church, of which his father was a member. This is a small, Fundamentalist sect without ties to larger Baptist organizations. In the fall of 1956, Mr. Rayburn joined the Primitive Baptist Church at Tioga, Tex. At the age of 74, he was "immersed," or baptized, by the church&aposs lay minister there.

The Speaker always maintained the closest ties with his many nieces, nephews, brothers and sisters. Whenever a brother or sister came to Washington, he would insist on turning over his bedroom to the guest and sleeping on a temporary bed in the living room.

Despite a back ailment, he slept on the temporary bed for several months this year while his brother and sister-in-law, Mr. and Mrs. Dick Rayburn of Ector, Tex., occupied the bedroom. Their son, Tom Rayburn, was in a Washington hospital for an intestinal operation. They wanted to move to a hotel, but Speaker Rayburn put his foot down.

One of his aides finally became concerned over the Speaker&aposs loss of sleep and weight and urged him to permit the Dick Rayburns to take another apartment. Mr. Rayburn let loose a strong of expletives before making a final ruling that cut off further debate.

"I&aposm not going to have them staying anywhere else. They&aposre my family!"

Besides his brother, there are two other members of Mr. Rayburn&aposs immediate family. His two sisters were at his bedside when he died. They are Mrs. W. A. Thomas of Dallas and Mrs. S. E. Bartley of Bonham. Dick Rayburn was unable to reach the hospital.

When Congress adjourned., Mr. Rayburn would lose no time getting back to Bonham, where he lived with a sister in a spacious white house that to him was "prettier than Mount Vernon."

The Speaker maintained a 250-acre farm and a 900-acre ranch. He was proud of his fine herd of polled Hereford cattle and was known to predict unerringly which ones would be prize winners at livestock shows. On the white-pillared portico of his house, fourteen rocking chairs always stood ready to receive constituents and friends who desired to "visit with" the Congressman.

The Sam Rayburn Library in Bonham, a $500,000 marble structure, was one of the Speaker&aposs greatest satisfactions. He started a fund for its construction in 1949 by donating a $10,000 prize he had received for distinguished service to the country. It contains his files and mementos as part of a collection of American historical and biographical data. Mr. Truman dedicated it in 1957 as a research center for students of Democratic government.

As a boy and for much of his life, Mr. Rayburn was a prodigious reader of American history and biography. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Abraham Lincoln and Robert E. Lee were perhaps his favorite figures of American history. Presidents Truman and Roosevelt, among contemporaries, were also high on his list.

Mr. Rayburn and General Eisenhower were old acquaintances but never close friends.

Mr. Rayburn&aposs pride in the House of Representatives and the Capitol was almost proprietary. Any reference to the House as "the lower chamber" invariably brought an angry rejoinder. He insisted that the House, in fact as well as in law, was co-equal with the Senate. He actually thought it was superior.

"I&aposd rather be Speaker of the House than any ten Senators," he would say.

One of the few matters in which he was accused of being arbitrary was his ruling against the use of television cameras in the House chamber, except for ceremonial sessions, or in the committee rooms. He believed that the effect would be to lower the dignity of the House.

Critics of the controversial rebuilding of the east front of the Capitol, recently completed, accused the Speaker of being arbitrary and stubborn in going ahead with the project over their objections. He serenely ignored them until one suggested, in print, that "Mr. Sam must think he own the Capitol."

The Speaker was furious and made his feeling known to a reporter. Many months later, however, he was admiring the completed project and called the same reporter&aposs attention to some gleaming marble on the House wing that had been sand-blasted from a dull gray to its original luster.



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